2005
STATE OF THE STATE ADDRESS
Madam President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice,
Members of the General Assembly, fellow citizens:
We are a state of people who speak plainly. We
are a state of people who get to the point. Let
me try to do both this evening, right now.
The state of our state is far from sound. The
state of our state needs serious attention. The
foundation is still firm, but major repairs are
overdue.
Diplomats have a saying. When they present themselves
for an important discussion, they sometimes say "I
come instructed." I come instructed tonight.
My instructions, and yours, come from our common
employers. The people of Indiana have sized up
our situation. When they spoke last November,
they spoke plainly, and their instructions were
clear. They sent us here, all of us, to make
repairs too long postponed, decisions too long
delayed, to make changes in the way the people's
business has been conducted in our state.
Our approach to that business must not be "usual" because
our problems are anything but usual. Our challenges
are extraordinary, and we must not be ordinary
in wrestling with them. Our new administration
has already set out on the long journey to more
efficient, more effective, more open, and more
ethical state government. We will take all measures
within our authority to bring a new era into
being. But much needed change must come, as it
should, from you, the duly elected representatives
of the people's branch of government.
This is a great moment for everyone in this chamber.
How lucky we are to have been chosen at this
particular time. Some of you must have had the
same experience as I these last two months. In
every conversation, it seems, the other party
sooner or later uses the word "excited." Our
fellow citizens are excited because, knowing
full well the state of our state, they believe
fervently that Indiana can be a better place.
Who could ask for more as a public servant than
to serve at a time of large issues, true crises,
and high expectations that things can be vastly
different?
I will spend very few words describing the severity
of our situation. By now, those who claim not
to see it must be victims of a denial beyond
my ability to dispel. Any who would dwell on
it for the purpose of assigning blame must turn
their thoughts entirely to the task of reconstruction.
Even a quick catalogue is useful only to frame
the extent of damages and the nature of the most
urgent repairs.
Let me sum things up: Our state's economy is
too weak, too narrowly based, and too often impeded
by the very state government that should be its
chief advocate and promoter.
That state government is too expensive, too antique
in its practices, too indifferent to real, provable
results, and in place after place after place,
too slow.
It operates under rules of conduct that fall
far short of those found in other states, far
short of what is necessary to ensure Hoosiers
that the people's business is being done solely
in the people's interest.
Our educational results lag behind other states,
and other nations, but worse still, behind the
potential of the kids and the devoted teachers
in our classrooms. Those teachers, and the principals
who lead them, are engulfed in rules and requirements
that add no value to the life preparation of
any child. We have doubled the amount of money
spent per child with scant improvement in the
only thing that matters, the readiness of those
children. If money were the answer, this would
no longer be a problem.
Local government is too hamstrung by top-down
state control, and consequently stuck with an
unbalanced and unfair dependence on the taxation
of property owners. Having tied much of its own
budget to local spending, a bankrupt state government
has desperately sought to control local decisions
from the top down, a doomed exercise in balloon-squeezing
that has squeezed property tax payers worse than
anyone else.
And overhanging all our difficulties is the simple,
brute fact that our state's public finances are
in ruin. We have outspent our income year after
year. We have increased spending faster than
any state in the Union. We have emptied every
coffee can in the backyard and maxed out all
the credit cards. When your past due bills exceed
your cash on hand, when your month-in, month-out
expenses far exceed the size of your paycheck,
when your once-hefty savings have all been run
through, the average family knows what to call
it.
All right, so we have some problems. Tonight
is about solutions, and the road ahead.
Economic recovery in Indiana will ultimately
depend on the acumen, hard work, and bravery
of free men and women pursuing their dreams in
the marketplace. Government does not create jobs,
it only creates the conditions that make jobs
more or less likely. All our hopes in other areas
depend on our ability to bring about a more growth-friendly
Indiana of rising incomes, sales, and wealth.
And so the organizing objective of our administration
will be higher personal income for Hoosiers.
Every department is already being tasked with
identifying the actions and improvements it will
make to contribute to that goal.
On arrival at work last Monday, I signed orders
to reorganize our economic development efforts,
to strengthen our focus on agribusiness, and
to require that we spend more of our tax dollars
here in Indiana. I delivered to you a set of
proposals to foster the faster formation and
growth of the small businesses from which most
new jobs come: I ask you, in particular, to provide
a Small Business Investment Incentive, giving
modest relief, without lawyers or paperwork or
any special permission from government, to small
firms that take the risk to add jobs.
To stimulate the formation of new small businesses,
I propose that existing local economic development
funds be freed to establish new venture capital
funds in each region of our state. And we must
lower the crushing cost of health insurance by
authorizing new, low-frills policy choices.
Our economic distress is deep and widespread,
so our recovery package attacks on multiple fronts.
To help towns hit hard by the retreat of traditional
manufacturing, I ask for the passage of brownfields
legislation to encourage new investment in abandoned
sites, and for new pre-permitting authority to
speed the time for new investor interest to turn
into new jobs.
Meanwhile, we must modernize our tax laws and
build out our broadband infrastructure, so that
we become as hospitable to the jobs of the knowledge
economy and motorsports as we are to manufacturing.
And, the time has come to stop penalizing Indiana
businesses through our quirky treatment of time
itself. If it were just a matter of the rest
of the world's laughing at us, I'd say let them
laugh. But the loss of Hoosier jobs and income
is no laughing matter and any step that might
help is worth trying. So, without changing anyone's
time zone, and without spending a penny, I ask
this body to lift this handicap from Indiana's
businesses and join the national and global economy
in the use of Daylight Savings Time.
You have already proven your ability to act and
act fast on behalf of Hoosier workers. By month's
end, I am told, you will have approved our bill
to replace a failed government Department of
Commerce with a public-private action agency,
built for speed and built to sell Indiana to
businesses here and world-wide as the best place
for them to grow. Thank you for this impressive
down payment on our economic comeback.
Indiana will not catch up to our competition
dragging the anchor of an outdated, slow, unresponsive
state government. I suggested to Hoosiers last
year that every garden needs weeding every sixteen
years or so, and they agreed.
Last Tuesday, I signed orders dismantling the
state's largest and most expensive bureaucracy,
with paramount goals of better protecting endangered
children and better serving the single parents
of our state. I appointed the state's first Inspector
General, and gave a seasoned county prosecutor
the job of searching for waste, fraud, and abuse
all day every day. Then I submitted to you bills
to transform the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, abolish
the scandal-ridden Intelenet Commission, and
lift the ethics rules governing the conduct of
state employees to the highest levels in America.
Among the weeds choking out growth and good government
are the hundreds of boards, commissions, and
advisory committees that have sprouted over the
years. They devour time, money, and energy far
beyond any real contribution they make. All address
worthy goals, but often we could get more real
work done if we spent less time conferring and
more time working. I ask this Assembly to help
us clean up state government's garden, to allow
the most important parts to flourish and serve
Hoosiers better.
State government has no nobler duty than the
preparation of young people for citizenship,
and no more important workers than those who
strive to provide that preparation. Last week,
I sent you bills to speed the spread of charter
schools, to move the I-STEP test to the spring
where it belongs, to take the job of our top
educator out of politics, and to enable our kids
to start kindergarten as early as they do in
other states. I ask their rapid consideration
and passage. We must catch up and surpass our
competition in the only educational measure that
ultimately matters, the academic results achieved
by our kids.
Tonight, I want to underscore some issues in
our educational system that must be faced squarely,
because they threaten to undermine not just the
effectiveness of the system but also the public
confidence on which it depends.
As it should be, public education is the number
one expense of state government. We have more
than doubled our spending in just over a decade.
When we have restored the state's financial solvency,
these increases must continue.
But the way in which we deliver these dollars
is broken, and indefensible. It produces senseless
outcomes like providing more and more dollars
for districts with fewer and fewer children.
It is so confusing that no one can explain it
to a taxpayer. This formula has been jury-rigged
over time in back rooms into a complicated mess
based not on principle but on a bare-knuckles
scramble of every district for itself. Especially
at a time of fiscal crisis, when there is no
new money to distribute, the way in which we
share the funds available must be as fair as
possible.
It is time for a system the average citizen can
understand, one based on clear, fair principles.
That system should begin with equal dollars per
child, adjusted for the special care we must
provide to children of poverty, or with genuine
disabilities, to any kid on whom life has placed
a special burden. I ask this Assembly to replace
today's Rube Goldberg formula with a fair, principled
system openly arrived at.
Another major defect of the status quo is the
imbalance between classroom and non-classroom
spending. Too many of the $9,500 we now spend
on each student are swallowed up by purposes
unrelated to the only result that counts, readiness
for life.
Every student today should learn in a place of
safety and reasonable comfort. But we have often
gone beyond the point of common sense. Our test
results lag behind other states, but the size
and cost of our school buildings is second to
none. They are larger per student, more expensive
per square foot, and more tilted to non-academic
facilities than makes good sense. We have drifted
into practices that work well for architects
and contractors, but not well for teachers or
property taxpayers, and it is time for change.
Tomorrow, I will direct the Department of Local
Government Finance to impose a 120-day moratorium
on any new school bond issue. During that interval,
the agency will draw up guidelines related to
size, cost, and the ratio of academic to non-academic
spending in school construction. We will continue
to have fine facilities in Indiana, but teachers,
taxpayers, and academic results come first -
instruction must come before construction.
Finally, we come to the matter of the state's
own finances. Let's not waste a minute on how
we got here, or whom to blame. We are where we
are - now which way forward?
As I said earlier, our problem is two-fold: how
to bring annual spending back down to the level
of annual income, and how to restore some reasonable
balance in our state savings account.
On the first question, there is nothing left
to debate. The wolf is not at the door, he is
inside the cabin. So no more accounting tricks.
No more raids on pension funds; no more coerced
borrowing from schools and local government.
And no more self-deception; this crisis will
not go away on its own. Without bold and difficult
action now, the lines of spending and income
will never cross. Tonight, it falls to me to
propose a program full of steps I find regrettable
and unpleasant, but steps that I believe our
duty commands if we are to end our fiscal embarrassment.
We must bring spending growth down below - in
the near term, well below - the growth of revenue.
Tomorrow, I will release the details of a budget
that does this, but let me share the fundamentals
here and now. In everyday terms, we must clamp
down on the family's total spending until our
paycheck catches up.
In many places, spending must simply be reduced.
We have been joined in government by some truly
extraordinary people, many of whom who have led
large and complex businesses. They know their
assignment. We will pull or trim every weed we
can find. I learned at Saturday's Cabinet meeting
that we have saved the first several million
dollars in our first week on the job.
We will work on saving money every week. Those
programs that have fulfilled their purpose, outlived
their usefulness, or cannot demonstrate results
justifying their costs, will have to go. I will
use the governor's allocation power to capture
the savings as we identify them.
State government owns assets it doesn't need;
we will find and sell them. We need motor vehicles,
but not 13,000 of them, more than one for every
three employees. We need aircraft, but probably
not eighteen of them.
State entities are doing things for themselves
that other Hoosiers can do as well or better,
and less expensively. If it ever made sense to
clean our own buildings, cook our own food, or
operate our own power plants, it doesn't anymore.
In Medicaid, where cost growth is exploding at
over 10 percent per year, we will make changes
that are long overdue, and some changes we would
rather not make: in benefits, in eligibility,
and provider payments. We will slow this unsustainable
growth rate by half. Over time, we will rebuild
a broken, antiquated system so that it delivers
better care to those who cannot afford to care
for themselves, while remembering that taxpayers
deserve compassion, too.
Those purposes too important for reduction must
take a pause from constant increases. We can
strengthen the state budget, and simultaneously
begin Indiana's journey away from property taxes,
by freezing the state's subsidy of local property
taxes while expanding localities' current power
to tax income or other sources. Education, both
K-12 and postsecondary, must play essential roles
in fiscal recovery by managing temporarily with
current levels of state funding, no less but
no more.
This is the time to set aside self-interest in
the cause of restoring responsibility to our
management of the people's finances. If we show
this discipline, if revenue holds up and everything
goes just right, we could achieve an honestly
balanced budget, two years from now. Some might
say, good enough. But I cannot.
Because, please note: Even if we do all the difficult
things I just outlined, we would still run a
quarter of a billion dollar deficit next year,
and still have no real savings set aside for
the next rainy day. Duty commands us to finish
the job, to put our house in order and do it
now.
So tonight I propose one more step that I would
rather not propose. I ask the most fortunate
among us, those citizens earning over $100,000
per year, for one year, to pay an additional
one percent on the income they receive. With
this money, we will achieve a balanced budget
not two years from now but in the year immediately
ahead, and bring our savings account to a level
near the minimum standard of prudence.
Let me stress that this surtax must be temporary,
and one-time only. I will veto any attempt to
raise general taxes on our citizens, and any
attempt to extend for even one day the one temporary
measure I reluctantly propose tonight.
And, I will veto any attempt to substitute tax
increases for spending restraint. The spending
freezes and reductions I have called for, which
many will complain are far too severe, to me
are the mandatory essence of our fiscal repair
job.
It is hardly a secret that I believe in limited
government. I believe deeply that no dollar should
be taken from any free citizen by the force of
state power without a solid reason for doing
so.
But that was an oath I took last week. That was
a Bible I took it on. I have sworn to uphold
a constitution that directs us to produce an
honestly balanced budget, and I was hired by
the people of this state on a pledge to meet
that assignment. I hope you see your duty the
same way I do. Let's each agree to do a thing
or two we'd rather not do, temporarily, so that
the state we all love might get back on its fiscal
feet, and do it now.
I say once more, this is our moment. Whether
veterans of public service, or newcomers like
me, we will not see again such an opportunity
to change things for the better. We must shake
free of the tendency to mistake the edge of the
rut for the horizon. Breaking with business as
usual is never comfortable, but once accomplished
it is exhilarating. It would be disappointing
- no, it would be disgraceful - to procrastinate
and paper over these festering problems when
we can deal with them decisively, and position
our state for greatness.
In Roman times, it was the custom for the architect
of a new temple to stand beneath the archway
when the keystone was put in place and the scaffolding
removed. Now, those were people who understood
the concept of accountability.
I am under such an arch tonight, by choice and
at the instruction of the people of our state.
I invite you to join me there, with confidence
that the structure we will build together will
stand the test of the moment, and of time. Our
choices are not easy, but compared to the dangers
and crises that Hoosiers before us have overcome,
they are not intimidating, either. Besides, as
Edward R. Murrow said, "Difficulty is the
one excuse history never accepts."
It is given to few people to be where we are,
in a position to change the course of an entire
state from drift and decline to purpose and progress.
This time around, let any errors be errors of
action, not timidity. We must not allow indecision,
the thief of opportunity, to rob us of the courage
to move aggressively. Gen. Douglas MacArthur
said that the history of failure in warfare could
be summed up in two words: "Too late." This
year is our year to attack Indiana's problems,
so that history never applies those words to
us.
This time, let everybody relent just a little.
Let every interest demand just a little less.
Let those who can give just a little more. Let
this be a legislative session of historic energy
and action, and cooperation.
Let politics stand down for a while. Let future
elections wait their turn. Let's all do our duty
these next few weeks such that, years from now,
when people look back to these days and say then,
in 2005, that was when Indiana's comeback began,
we can all say right, I know - I was part of
it, I was there.
Thank you for your commitment, and your love
of our state. Now on to the people's work. |